Opportunity Deferred or Opportunity Taken? An Updated Look at Delaying Kindergarten Entry

Rochester. An interventionist approach was also in place in one kindergarten at Rochester, a school with children from different socioeconomic backgrounds and ethnicities in a community with a large bilingual population. The teacher in the extended-day bilingual class that Graue studied believed that provision of environmental stimulation was critical to enhancing the readiness of the children because they lacked the kinds of preschool experiences from which other children benefited. The bilingual families in this class, like the families at Fulton, counted on the teacher to interpret the meaning of readiness for them. They entered their children when they were eligible, whereas affluent families at Rochester were more likely to hold their children out.

Norwood. In contrast, the teachers at Norwood, a school in a primarily Anglo, middle-class community, held a maturationist model of readiness. As opposed to schools where teachers worked together to understand and meet the needs of individual children, the kindergarten teachers at Norwood felt pressured by the first grade teachers to produce students who could meet fairly rigid standards for first grade entry. The kindergarten teacher in the class studied believed that readiness was related to age. She expected younger children to be less ready.

Not surprisingly, the parents at Norwood also conceived of readiness “in terms of age, maturity, and social behaviors necessary to do well in school” (Graue 1993b, 230). They worried about whether their children had the necessary skills for kindergarten success. They were also aware of the expectations of the first grade teachers.

More parents at Norwood delayed kindergarten entry for their children, especially boys, apparently to ensure success — although these parents were not necessarily concerned about their children’s academic readiness. Fourteen percent of kindergarten boys in the school and close to 40 percent of the boys in the class studied had been held out an extra year. (Other studies, e.g., Graue & DiPerna 2000, also show that boys are more frequently held out.) Various extra-year programs were tried in attempts to provide children with more time to develop readiness.

Clearly, the beliefs and practices of the Norwood administration and teachers influenced not only their practices, but also the beliefs and decisions of parents. The beliefs in this school were similar to those of parents and teachers in another high achieving school studied by Graue (1993a).

Parents’ beliefs related to delaying kindergarten entry

Very little research is available about parents’ reasons for delaying kindergarten entry. In making their decisions, parents of four- to six-year- olds in the National Household Education Survey expressed concern about their children’s preacademic skills rather than about reports of their behavior (Diamond, Reagan, & Bandik 2000). Although Anglo parents were less likely than other parents to be concerned about their children’s readiness (however, 13.5 percent were) — even with level of parent education controlled — these parents and parents with higher education levels were more likely to suggest delaying their child’s kindergarten entry.

Only the study by Graue (1993b), noted earlier, specifically sought information about parents’ actual decisions prior to the beginning of school. Graue conducted interviews with the parents of the five or six oldest and youngest children scheduled to enter kindergarten in each school about what they thought about kindergarten entrance. Parents at all three schools expressed concerns about maturity, which they saw in terms of personal and social characteristics, rather than academic knowledge. Many also emphasized wanting their children to have a good start.

The culture at Norwood and of the more affluent parents at Rochester seemed to encourage parents to hold their children out. For example, of the six parents interviewed at Norwood, three had kept their age-eligible children (two boys and one girl) out the previous year. Greg’s mother wondered about his emotional readiness. She was the only parent to state that the major reason for holding her child out was to give him an advantage in high school sports (reflecting the traditional meaning of redshirting). She commented, “Plus, everyone says how boys are so much later blooming in a lot of ways” (Graue 1993b, 128). The decision of one parent at Rochester to hold out her son was influenced by the fact that her own brother had been held back in third grade and did better following retention.

Even among those whose children entered Norwood when eligible, parents expressed reservations. Typical was Alyson’s mother, who worried that Alyson’s September birth date put her at a disadvantage, although both mother and preschool teacher thought she was ready. However, the mother’s desire for her child to be at the top of her class made her consider keeping her out an additional year. Families of older children often stated that they were glad their children were more mature and would feel stronger about themselves.

Academic effects

The classic review of the literature by Shepard and Smith (1986) indicates that although the oldest children in a class on average are more successful than their younger peers in the first few grades (in first grade by about 7.8 percentile points), these differences are of little practical significance and usually disappear by grade three. Most of the differences are almost entirely attributable to children who fall below the 25th percentile in ability. That is, it seems that the combination of young age and low ability has negative consequences for achievement. Moreover, the validity of those studies in which differences were found can be questioned on the basis of criteria that are subject to teacher bias. The influence of teacher expectations regarding age can also be seen in teachers’ tendencies to retain younger students more frequently than older students even if students’ skills are equally deficient.

Many studies have been conducted over the past 15 years that shed further light on the issue but essentially uphold Shepard and Smith’s basic findings. For example, in a study of African American and Caucasian urban children, older children performed slightly but significantly better academically in grade one, but these differences disappeared four years later (Bickel, Zigmond, & Staghorn 1991; see also Cameron & Wilson 1990). In a study of children in families with very low incomes from a predominantly Anglo rural community, a predominantly African American urban community, and a predominantly Latino urban community, the oldest children scored higher than the youngest in reading and math in kindergarten, but these differences disappeared by grade three. Similarly, for upper-middle-class children, performance differences decreased by grade five (Sweetland & DeSimone 1987).

A comparison of children in a transitional (readiness) first grade classroom with children who were selected but not placed in that classroom, remaining in first grade, showed no significant differences in second grade achievement (Ferguson 1991). That is, having an extra year with a “dumbed-down curriculum” and attaining an older age had no positive effect on children’s achievement or need for other services. A recent review of the empirical literature concludes that delayed entry as well as retention and transition class practices are not effective (Carlton & Winsler 1999).

Schooling vs. allowing time to mature. Among the advantages of children entering when eligible is that some skills, such as those needed for reading readiness, require instruction. A well controlled study of more than 500 children in a district with developmentally appropriate kindergartens compared young first-graders (whose birthdays fell within two months of the cutoff date) with older kindergartners (whose birthdays fell within two months following the cutoff date) and older first-graders (who were one year older than the older kindergartners). At pretest, the reading and math achievement scores of younger first-graders were lower than those of older first-graders but higher than those of older kindergartners. The same was true at post-test. The differences between older kindergartners and younger first graders on pretest indicate that a year in kindergarten has instructional benefits.

Moreover, there was no difference in the progress of younger and older first-graders from fall to spring. That is, each group achieved one year’s growth. In addition, younger first graders’ progress exceeded that of older kindergartners, suggesting that age is an insufficient criterion for benefiting from reading and math instruction in first grade (Morrison, Griffith, & Alberts 1997).

Other studies comparing same age children in different grades showed that by the end of first grade, younger children’s reading ability was no different from their older classmates’ (Crone & Whitehurst 1999), and math achievement scores were higher than those of their same-age peers who were still in kindergarten (Stipek & Byler 2001; see also Morrison, Smith, & Dow-Ehrensberger 1995). After reviewing the research literature, Stipek (2002) concluded that for math and most reading and literacy skills, the effects of schooling seem to be more potent than the effects of time to mature; whereas for certain tasks, such as conservation and story recall and production, general maturation and experience are likely to contribute to skill acquisition. Other work suggests that instruction in school may contribute to the development of children’s working memory strategies (Ferreira & Morrison 1994).

Factors other than age. An additional point to consider is that a substantial number of redshirted and retained children have above average IQ scores (Morrison, Griffith, & Alberts 1997). The number of younger and older students who qualified for a gifted program was similar, although more older students were sent to be evaluated (De Meis & Stearn 1992) — perhaps exemplifying teacher expectations. Even though the oldest children in a large nationally representative study were more likely than the youngest to score in the highest quartile in reading, math, and general knowledge, some of the youngest also scored in the highest quartile and some of the older children scored in the lowest quartile (West, Denton, & Germino-Hausken 2000). Many other factors, such as mother’s education and marital status, had similar relationships. Hence, it is not age alone that contributes to children’s achievement.

It is important to note that parents who hold their children out for social reasons may be disappointed by the lack of academic content and challenge in some kindergartens. They often discover that their children encounter what appears to be largely a repeat of preschool (Graue 1993a).

Social effects

Contrary to popular belief, children whose entry into school has been delayed do not seem to gain an advantage socially. In fact, more drawbacks than advantages are evident. Many children who have been redshirted worry that they have failed or been held back (Graue 1993b) and often have poor attitudes toward school (Shepard & Smith 1989; Graue & DiPerna 2000). Furthermore, students who are too old for grade are less likely to graduate from high school. However, according to Meisels (1992), “[i]t is possible that middle- to upper income students who have been held out will form a subgroup of overage students who will not be at risk for dropping out in the same way as other students, but this is yet to be demonstrated” (p. 167).

Social development. Reviews of the literature have found no difference in self-concept, peer acceptance, or teacher ratings of behavior (Graue & DiPerna 2000; see also Stipek & Byler 2001). In one study of social adjustment and self-perceptions in a mostly Anglo and Latino sample, the few correlations found between social functioning and age were subject to teacher bias; and most of these differences disappeared by grade one (Spitzer, Cupp, & Parke 1995). No differences were found in self-reported school adjustment, loneliness, perceptions of competence, or acceptance. However, although younger children were no more likely than older children to be rejected or neglected, they were less likely to be nominated by peers as well liked and as showing prosocial behavior.

Children who were deemed unready according to the Gesell Test (Ilg & Ames 1965) and placed in a developmental kindergarten or prefirst- grade class showed no difference in ratings for social development in first grade when compared to a matched control group (Matthews, May, & Kundert 1999). Those who were identified as immature but who did not attend readiness programs were no more likely to miss school or receive poor social development ratings in grade one than those who had attended the readiness classes. However, a greater number of students identified as unready to enter school but who were not placed in readiness programs were retained at some point in their school career, and half of these retentions were made in kindergarten.

These results raise several questions: How many of the decisions to retain children have been based on a screening test with questionable reliability and validity? Were kindergarten teachers more likely to retain those children whose parents did not follow through on recommendations? Or were parents and teachers reluctant to retain those already overage from earlier developmental placement? More important, would special help during the kindergarten year have obviated the need for retention?

Challenging behaviors. Those who advocate the benefits of delaying kindergarten entry predict fewer behavior problems for children who are unready and whose entry is delayed. With the exception of a study by Bickel, Zigmond, and Staghorn (1991), studies have found an increase in behavior problems for children held out or those placed in a transition class (Ferguson 1991; Graue & DiPerna 2000). Note, however, that although the study of urban African American and Caucasian children by Bickel and associates found no difference in report card ratings of conduct, referrals, and retentions when controlled for socioeconomic level, preschool attendance, and race, the measure used in the study is subject to teacher bias.

Moreover, a large cross-sectional survey of more than nine thousand children at different ages shows that by adolescence, the overage children, even those who had not been retained, had higher rates of parent-reported behavior problems, such as bullying, trouble getting along with others, depression, losing temper, feeling inferior; and after age twelve, hanging out with kids who get in trouble — even though these children had low scores for being at risk when they were younger (Byrd, Weitzman, & Auinger 1997). This was especially true for the Caucasian youth. Children who have been redshirted were also found to need more special services, not fewer (Graue & DiPerna 2000; see also Matthews, May, & Kundert 1999).

These findings suggest that there may be adverse behavioral consequences associated with the decision to delay kindergarten entry that may not appear until later years. It is not clear whether these problems derive from the effects of holding children out or from some preexisting condition that influenced parents’ decisions; however, the latter is unlikely since many problems do not emerge until adolescence.

Influenced by maturationist thinking, parents often believe that with additional time, their child will outgrow a possible problem. What they fail to realize is that the sooner the nature of the problem is identified, the sooner the child can receive special services that may help the child overcome the problem (see also Maxwell & Eller 1994). When children who may have problems enter at the eligible age, they may actually benefit — assuming the school district makes services available and that their teachers refer them for these services rather than advising families to keep these children out an extra year.